Sammanfattning
In this article, I review the basic semantic functions of the determiner à
in the South Mande language Mano, which is used to mark situated defi niteness:
most prominently, bridging and anaphora. The marker derives from the 3sg pronoun.
Similar markers are also used in a number of other South Mande languages, including
Kla-Dan, Dan-Gweetaa, Guro, Tura and Gban. In Mano, as well as in the former four
languages the head noun takes an optional low-tone head marking, which is more
frequent in Mano than in other languages. I argue that the increased frequency of
use of the marking is infl uenced by contact with the Southwest Mande language
Kpelle, which has a grammaticalized preposed defi niteness marker, also deriving
from a 3sg prefi x, and triggering low tone on the noun it attaches to.
in the South Mande language Mano, which is used to mark situated defi niteness:
most prominently, bridging and anaphora. The marker derives from the 3sg pronoun.
Similar markers are also used in a number of other South Mande languages, including
Kla-Dan, Dan-Gweetaa, Guro, Tura and Gban. In Mano, as well as in the former four
languages the head noun takes an optional low-tone head marking, which is more
frequent in Mano than in other languages. I argue that the increased frequency of
use of the marking is infl uenced by contact with the Southwest Mande language
Kpelle, which has a grammaticalized preposed defi niteness marker, also deriving
from a 3sg prefi x, and triggering low tone on the noun it attaches to.
Originalspråk | engelska |
---|---|
Tidskrift | Language in Africa |
Volym | 1 |
Utgåva | 4 |
Sidor (från-till) | 158-182 |
Antal sidor | 25 |
ISSN | 2686-8946 |
DOI | |
Status | Publicerad - 2020 |
MoE-publikationstyp | A1 Tidskriftsartikel-refererad |
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