Revisionist trilaryngealism, consisting of the hypotheses CC·C, *h1 h2 h3, and at least two different vowels PIE *e *o (and optionally PIE *a), has split the laryngeal theory into several mutually incompatible models. The models of EICHNER (1973, 1978, 1980, 1988) and MELCHERT (1987)/RIX (et al. 2001) are characterized by symmetrical, but opposed reconstructions for Hitt. a- (*h3e- vs. *h1o-) and Hitt. ḫa- (*h2e/o- vs. *h2/3e/o-). In KORTLANDT’s (2003–4) model the preservation of *h2 and *h3 is conditioned by the distributions of *e/o. Both laryngeals are allegedly retained before *e, but lost before *o in Old Anatolian. In addition, it is theoretically possible to define a variant of KORTLANDT’s model in which the distributions are reversed. The present paper focuses on KORTLANDT’s model in both its original and reversed form and demonstrates the internal inconsistency of this model, due to which it has to be discarded as a serious option for PIE reconstruction. This leaves us only the models of EICHNER and MELCHERT/RIX to compete with SZEMERÉNYI’s (1967, 1970, 1996) monolaryngealism for the solution of the PIE laryngeal/vowel problem.
|Tidskrift||Proto-Indo-European Linguistics – Urindogermanische Sprachforschungen|
|Status||Publicerad - 2018|
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